We need to talk about 55 Tufton Street

In London, running parrallel to the Thames and just a few minutes walk from the Houses of Parliament lies Tufton Street.  It's quite ordinary. Like many streets in the City it is tightly crammed with expensive real estate that in some places is up to 300 years old, and in some is relatively new. The street is full of blue plaques commemorating previous occupants.  At 54, a relatively new develeopment one marks the spot where a previous property was the home of the war poet Siegfried Sasson.  On the Tudorbeathan frontage opposite of number 47a, a plaque denotes that film-maker Sir Michael Balcon, mentor of Alfred Hitchcock was a former occupant.  Just along from this are some beautiful Grade II listed art deco apartments where the socialist MP Eleanor Rathbone, womens activist and the creator of family allowance lived.  Nestled between these two in an unassuming Georgian townhouse lies 55 Rathbone Street. White sash windows, Flemish bond brickwork and a white doric style columns that hold a decorative stone plinth over the marble stairs to the front entrance.  Black wrought iron railings and lanterns guarded its curtilage.  Unlike it's neighbours it doesn't have a blue plaque.  

Perhaps I have not been quite accurate in my introduction.  When I said it as one the houses in the street that was unusual in that it didn't have a blue plaque.  Well that's not strictly true.  It had one for one day when the pressure group Led by Donkeys erected it.  This unassuming house has been the target of protests and vandalism both political and enviromental pressure groups on numerous occasions.  

Why? Because quite frankly it's full of cunts.

It may not have a blue plaque but what is does have is a hand in the corridors of power, and occupants with a covert agenda that their former neighbour Eleanor Rathbone would certainly not approve of.  Behind its modest exterior lies a network of think tanks, lobbying groups and financial backers.  Thanks to their tangled links to the establishment they have with a remarkable ability to shape policy, sway public opinion, and exert control over elected officials. From its interference in the Brexit debate to its role in the political rise of Liz Truss, 55 Tufton Street has become a central hub in the ideological battles that have defined modern British politics.

^{Pressure Group 'Led by Donkeys' celebrating Tufton Street's role in Lizz Truss crashing the economy.}

55 Tufton Street is home to a cluster of right-wing think tanks and pressure groups. Among the most influential are the TaxPayers' Alliance, the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), the Adam Smith Institute, and the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS). These organisations, though independent, have been shown to operate as key drivers of neoliberal economic policies, advocating for tax cuts for the wealthy, deregulation, and the dismantling of public services. They have received significant funding from wealthy individuals, corporate donors, and private interests, which has raised questions about the extent to which these groups represent the broader public interest. While these think tanks claim to operate in the public interest, their activities often only benefit a small group of wealthy backers. The connections between 55 Tufton Street’s think tanks and corporate donors, particularly those from industries like oil, tobacco, and finance, paint a clear picture of who stands to gain from the policies they advocate. These groups push for policies that directly align with the interests of their financial sponsors, often at the expense of the broader public. Their influence on government policy, particularly in economic and environmental matters, has been profound, shaping much of the political discourse over the last decade. 

Perhaps one of the most striking aspects of 55 Tufton Street’s influence is its ability to exert control over politicians, pushing them to adopt its agenda. Key figures within the Conservative Party, including prominent MPs and even cabinet ministers, have been closely linked to the think tanks operating out of this nest of neoliberalism.  One of the most notable examples of 55 Tufton Street’s influence is its role in the political career of Liz Truss. In 2022, Truss, with the backing of several figures linked to 55 Tufton Street, became Prime Minister after the sudden resignation of Boris Johnson. Her rise to power was not driven by popular support or a clear mandate but rather by a small group of powerful financial backers and ideological supporters, many of whom had spent years promoting her political ascent. Truss’s premiership, which was marked by disastrous economic policies: including unfunded tax cuts and a failure to address rising inflation was in many ways the culmination of 55 Tufton Street’s decades-long push for radical market-oriented reforms. Many of the policies she enacted were drawn directly from the playbooks of the think tanks housed there such as the IEA and CPS, which have long advocated for austerity measures, deregulation, and corporate-friendly tax policies. Truss’s quick rise and swift fall from power highlighted just how deeply embedded 55 Tufton Street’s influence had become in British politics. Beyond Truss, several other high-profile politicians have been closely associated with the think tanks at 55 Tufton Street. Figures such as former Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng, former Energy Secretary, GBeebies presenter and haunted Victorian pencil Jacob Rees-Mogg, and other prominent Conservative figures have either worked with or received support from these organisations. These individuals have consistently advanced policies that favour deregulation, privatisation, and tax cuts for the wealthy, often with little regard for their impact on public services or the most vulnerable in society.  Other Tory shits like Jonathan Gullis, the only MP to have to sign on after been kicked out was one of their proteges.

Behind the scenes, 55 Tufton Street’s activities are funded by a network of wealthy individuals, corporations, and private interests. These financial backers are often not disclosed, but investigative reports by organisations such as the Good Law project have revealed that much of the funding is opaque and comes from individuals with deep ties to big business and the financial sector. Among the notable financial backers are individuals from the oil and gas industry, large financial institutions, and private equity firms. Their donations have allowed 55 Tufton Street to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over public policy, particularly in areas such as taxation, regulation, and environmental protection. These backers are not merely passive donors they are active participants in shaping the political agenda, ensuring that their interests are over represented in government policy. The lack of transparency surrounding these financial backers is concerning, as it allows for significant, unaccountable influence over British politics. When such powerful financial forces are able to shape policy and sway elected officials, it undermines democracy and gives undue weight to corporate interests over the needs of the public. 

^{They say you can judge the integrity of a house a house by the people it lets through the front door}

One of the most powerful tools at 55 Tufton Street’s disposal is its ability to manipulate the media. Think tanks like the IEA and the TaxPayers' Alliance are adept at shaping narratives through the media, pushing their ideological agendas while framing them as common-sense solutions to economic and social problems. These think tanks regularly produce reports that are cited by mainstream media outlets as authoritative sources of economic wisdom, despite the fact that many of these reports are produced with the express intention of advancing corporate interests. Journalists and commentators who align with the views of these think tanks often receive support, including access to policy discussions, briefings, and exclusive interviews. This access allows them to shape public opinion in favour of the policies advocated by 55 Tufton Street’s backers. The revolving door between politics, business, and the media means that the lines between lobbying, journalism, and policymaking are increasingly blurred. It also means that the public is often presented with a distorted view of the political landscape, one in which the interests of the powerful are presented as the interests of the people.  GB News, the right wing media outlet, is heavily funded and driven by the groups housed in the building and a number of MP's who moonlight as journalists on the channel are heavily pushing the Tufton Street agenda.

Though 55 Tufton Street’s influence is most evident within the Conservative Party, its reach extends into other political parties as well. Of particular note is the covert grip it has has managed to maintain within the Labour Party. While the party has occasionally distanced itself from the more extreme free-market policies promoted by 55 Tufton Street, there is evidence to suggest that corporate interests linked to these think tanks have influenced Labour’s stance on a range of issues, particularly since the rise of more centrist and right wing figures within the party. A key figure in this process is Wes Streeting, the current Labour MP for Ilford North Secretary of State for Health. Streeting, who has positioned himself as a centrist voice within the Labour Party, has long been associated with neoliberal economic policies that align closely with the agendas of 55 Tufton Street’s think tanks. His pro-business rhetoric, particularly his calls for market-oriented reforms in the NHS and his support for deregulation, has led some to question the degree to which Streeting is influenced by the same financial interests that back 55 Tufton Street’s network. There are concerns that figures like him are opening the door to the type of corporate-driven policies that 55 Tufton Street has long championed. The financial backers of 55 Tufton Street have a vested interest in ensuring that all major political parties, including Labour, adopt policies that align with their pro-corporate agenda. Streeting’s ties to these interests raise questions about the extent to which the Labour Party, at least in certain areas, is moving towards policies that are more in line with corporate priorities than with the needs of the public. 

55 Tufton Street has been allegedly linked to a number of dubious and potentially illegal activities. Its think tanks have been accused of spreading misinformation, using corporate-funded reports to push policies that benefit their donors, and engaging in covert lobbying efforts to influence government decision-making. While many of these activities may not necessarily be illegal, they do raise significant ethical concerns about the role of money in politics and the lack of transparency in the relationship between think tanks, politicians, and media outlets. There are also concerns about the regulatory capture that has occurred as a result of 55 Tufton Street’s influence. Key figures in government, particularly in the Conservative Party, have been accused of prioritising the interests of their financial backers over the public good, resulting in policies that favour the wealthy and powerful at the expense of ordinary citizens. The lack of accountability for these actions is a central issue, as it allows powerful individuals and corporations to exert disproportionate influence over the political process. 

55 Tufton Street is not just an address.  It's a rats nest of corporate neoliberal wankstains that pushes odious neolib policies that hurt the poor and the vulnerable the most.  It's probably why Wes Streeting feels at home there.  It represents the heart of a powerful network that has infiltrated British politics and shaped the policies that affect millions of lives. From its influence in the rise of Liz Truss to its control over key politicians like Wes Streeting and its ability to manipulate the media, 55 Tufton Street is a force to be reckoned with.  Behind the façade of think tanks and policy reports lies a web of financial interests and ideological control that has altered the course of British politics. As the country faces mounting challenges, from the cost-of-living crisis to climate change, it is clear that the influence of 55 Tufton Street must be scrutinised. It needs to be reigned in as it is a clear and present threat to our democracy.  Until we confront the grip of powerful financial backers and the manipulation of political narratives, true democratic accountability will remain out of reach. It’s time to demand transparency, accountability, and an end to the covert power that operates behind that Georgian frontage in an unassuming street just behind Millbank.

If one day, there was a pile of rubble there, where the building once existed, only English Heritage and the very worst people in society would mourn it.